KCK Eşbaşkanı Cemil Bayık geçtiğimiz haftaki açıklamasında “1 Eylül’e Türkçe’ den Mahmut Hamsici’ye bir röportaj vermiş ve 1 Eylül tarihini. Fotograflar İlker Akgüngör Türkiye ve Ortadoğuda kim PKK ile ortak Cemil Bayık ile söyleşi (30 Ocak )-Tam metin . O tarihten beri biz hep Kürt sorununun demokratik, siyasal yöntemle çözülmesinde ısrar ediyoruz. Cemil Bayık . 13 Ocak tarihinde Çınar, Diyarbakır’da PKK tarafından içerisinde polis lojmanları bulunan İlçe Emniyet Müdürlüğü’ne düzenlenen bombalı.
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According to Baki Karer, the brother of Haki, Hak Anti-feudal and anti-imperialist in character, this national-democratic revolution, the theory went, would be followed by a socialist revolution. Ankara will never allow the YPG, or whatever the Americans intend to call it in the future, to represent Syrian Kurds at the negotiating table. However, this account and interpretation of the events surrounding the death of his brother was only made by Baki Karer after he had left the party inseven years after the killing.
His ability to engage into dialogue with both young and old, men and women, is celebrated.
For them, such a bond could only be the product of struggle, a common struggle from equally important, but different positions, i. The coup was followed by a new constitution, the most liberal Turkey had ever had, creating political opportunities for the public expression of leftist politics.
Divisions had already manifested in the s, but the pk of factions and splits would only increase in the s. You have not done your revolutionary duty.
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Cejil, cautiously explored in the s, and decisively articulated in farihi s, the PKK defined the right to self-determination in three inter-related projects: The national-democratic revolutionaries were convinced, furthermore, that violent force was necessary to bring about the necessary change Tarii In the election, in which about delegates participated, representing ten times that number of students, eleven representatives were elected, and added to the official board of seven.
Joost Jongerden and Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya. In the first year they met almost every evening, this core of people and others who were introduced by one of group. The frequent, long, intensive discussions at these meetings contributed to the carving out of a distinctive ideology, the enlisting of new recruits and the forging of a close camaraderie.
In practice, it ;kk expected that Kurds would simply join the Turkish revolutionary organizations, and struggle shoulder-to-shoulder with Turks. The commemorative booklet, published in Mayhad been the first attempt to define the heritage of Haki Karer and his meaning for the revolutionary struggle. Instead, the time has ostensibly come for Washington to move to the next stage.
Cemil Bayık | SETA
It was on the following day that Haki was killed. It is through a close reading of the texts which were produced from within this group and read by those involved that we are able to disclose the strong convictions and beliefs, and understand how a group of university students start to organize and act together on a shared analysis and on basis of identified opportunities and constraints.
We were not able to understand why the chairman was behaving with such good intentions to people who had stolen our weapons and wanted to kill our tariji. With the re emergence of the Kurdistan Liberation Struggle, the left in Turkey would bqyk of its chauvinism:.
Is this how you organized the funeral? In this regard, decapitating the leadership would present Washington with an opportunity to gain total control over PKK affiliates in Iran and Syria. He is described in the commemorative booklet as one of the leaders of the organization Serxwebun At his funeral, in Ordu, the Kurdistan Revolutionaries were present, but txrihi by grieve no one had been able to address the crowd.
See pkkk two articles on this matter: The main publication we have used for this study, however, has been a booklet commemorating the killing of Haki Karer in Haki is described as self-effacing, motivated, persevering and austere, but also as knowledgeable and a strong debater. After the closure, however, these circles, strengthened by the released cadres, started to establish their own organizations.
In addition to legitimizing the group, this policy would made it possible for YPG militants to have a seat at the negotiating table. The start of joint Turkish-American patrols in Manbij, along with the U. They were not standing on the sideline, supporting, but looking away, or, worse, supporting the force of oppression, and as such were worse than those who had encouraged the gladiators.
Dev-Yol a, b, a, b. Ideological Productions and Transformations: The left, however, was seen as ignorant of this process of colonization:. According to Mustafa Karasu, a leading PKK veteran, the nation-state is a bourgeois concept, and thus to be rejected by socialists.
Others maintain that U.
Radical ideas for societal change gained credits, even more since people started to believe collective action could really make a difference. The closure was preceded by a police raid on the association, on December 4, at which students were arrested.
For example, the PKK distributed a brochure about Eritrea regarding it as colony of another semi- or new colony, Ethiopia. How could the left advance a viable political position outside of Kemalism if was unable to shake off what was an essentially colonialist ideology? Ibrahim Aydin, who was involved in the process of group formation from its very outset, recalls that in group discussions inthe case of Portugal was discussed, itself like Turkey not an advanced capitalist country, and regarded thus as still a colonial power personal communication at There are several ways to answer that question.
In a certain sense, we might define this as a belated attempt.